Lundi 7 janvier 2008

Arikara scout and Little Bighorn fallen hero
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Bloody Knife was born in 1840 to an Hunkpapa Sioux father and a Ree mother. He spent his first 16 years with his father, but was frequently taunted, beaten and abused for being a "half-breed". At age 16, he left the Sioux camp with his mother, but returned in 1860 to visit his father. Bloody Knife was still despised by the Sioux, and was almost killed during his visit. Chief Gall, a leader of the Hunkpapa, killed Bloody Knife's two brothers in 1862. Bloody Knife was married to She Owl in 1866.
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In 1868, Bloody Knife enlisted as a scout in the U.S. Army and was assigned to the 7th Cavalry. He quickly became George Armstrong Custer's favorite scout. He was insolent toward whites and ridiculed them. He often amused Custer by ridiculing bloodyknife.jpg his marksmanship. Custer never got angry with Bloody Knife and often gave gifts to him.

In 1874, Bloody Knife guided the 7th through the Black Hills. He was with Custer in the Little Bighorn campaign. Bloody Knife was assigned to Major Marcus Reno during the Battle of the Little Bighorn and was killed by a shot to the head as he was standing beside Reno in the battle. Reno was attempting to ask him what the Indians were doing when he was shot and his blood splattered Reno's face. Reno then lost his sense and barked out orders that did not make sense before fleeing.

Bloody Knife was beheaded by the Sioux, who took the head to their camp. She Owl received $91.66 in wages owed to Bloody Knife in 1881.


"Bloody Knife was naturally mournful; his face still looked sad when heBloody Knife and Custer put on the presents given him. He was a perfect child about gifts, and the general studied to bring him something from the East that no other Indian had.

He had proved himself such an invaluable scout to the general that they often had long interviews. Seated on the grass, the dogs lying about them, they talked over portions of the country that the general had never seen, the scout drawing excellent maps in the sand with a pointed stick. He was sometimes petulant, often moody, and it required the utmost patience on my husband’s part to submit to his humors; but his fidelity and clerverness (sic) made it worthwhile to yield to his tempers."
 
Libbie Custer (in her book Tenting on the Plains)

Jeudi 3 janvier 2008

  new video on custerwest.org channel: tribute to the men of the Seventh

Mardi 4 décembre 2007

Myles W. Keogh's life and times

THE IRISH KNIGHT

source:  Brian C. Pohanka, Wild Geese

below: a special video tribute to Myles Keogh by custerwest.org


Now I like Garryowen,
When I hear it at home,
But it's not half so sweet when you're going to be kilt.
-- From Charles Lever's 'Charles O'Malley, the Irish Dragoon' (Dublin, 1841)
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National Archives Photo

Myles Walter Keogh was born on March 25, 1840, at Orchard House, a stone dwelling that still stands near the village of Leighlinbridge, County Carlow. Myles' father, John Keogh -- the name sometimes appears as Kehoe -- was a Carlowman whose brother, Patrick, had been executed by the English at Carlow town following the Uprising of 1798. The family was staunchly Catholic and, despite the mistaken claims of some authors, John Keogh never served as an officer in the 5th Royal Irish Lancers or any other British army unit. Myles' mother, the former Margarete Blanchfield, hailed from a prosperous landholding clan whose ancestral seat was at Rathgarvan, near Clifden in County Kilkenny.

In the photo above, taken during Keogh's first months of service in the Union Army, he wears the medals from Papal Service, "Pro Petri Sede" and Ordine di San Gregorio."

Myles and his 12 siblings -- four boys and eight girls -- were reared in comfortable if not wealthy circumstances, and had he chosen to live the life of a gentleman farmer he could probably have done so. His maternal aunt Mary Blanchfield ultimately willed Myles the family estate in Kilkenny known as Clifden Castle. But while Myles' favorite brother, Tom, was content to follow a staid course through life, there was something in the makeup of the tall, slender blue-eyed youth that craved adventure. His career would in many respects epitomize the peripatetic wanderings of the "Wild Geese" who sought glory on foreign shores, amidst the clash of arms.

In March 1860, Pope Pius IX called upon the young men of Ireland to help preserve the sovereignty of the Papal States, which were threatened with annexation by the armies of Piedmont-Sardinia. While many Italians, sympathetic to the Piedmont-backed revolutionary forces of Garibaldi, viewed the continued existence of the Papal holdings as an impediment to a united Italy, Catholic volunteers from throughout Europe rallied to the Vatican's support.

Keogh was among the 1,400 Irishmen who traveled to Italy, and in July was appointed lieutenant in a four-company battalion garrisoned in the Adriatic port city of Ancona.

On September 18, the main body of the 18,000-man Papal Army was defeated in the battle of Castelfidardo, and Ancona was soon besieged by land and sea. The outnumbered Papal defenders put up a spirited defense until the inevitable capitulation on September 29, 1860. Following a brief incarceration in Genoa, Keogh and 45 Irish comrades traveled to Rome, where at the invitation of Pius IX they joined the Papal Guard as the green-uniformed "Company of Saint Patrick."

The dashing young lieutenant now sported two medals for valor, the Pro Petri Sede and Ordine di San Gregorio; but with the fighting over Keogh saw little purpose in remaining at Rome. With Civil War raging in America, Secretary of State William H. Seward began seeking experienced European officers to serve the Union, and called upon a number of prominent clerics to assist in his endeavor. John Hughes, Archbishop of New York, traveled to Italy to recruit veterans of the Papal War, and met with Keogh and his comrades. One highly decorated officer of the Irish Battalion, John J. Coppinger, had already departed for America where he obtained a commission in the U.S. Regular Army, and others soon followed.

keilyasm.jpg - 20.0 K Thus in March of 1862 Keogh resigned his commission in the Company of Saint Patrick, and with his senior officer – 30-year-old Daniel J. Keily of Waterford -- returned briefly to Ireland, then boarded the steamer Kangaroo bound from Liverpool to New York, where the vessel arrived April 1. Another Papal comrade, Joseph O'Keeffe – 19-year-old-nephew of the Bishop of Cork -- rendezvoused with Keogh and Keily in Manhattan. Through Secretary Seward's intervention the three were given Captains' rank and on April 15 assigned to the staff of Irish-born Brigadier General James Shields, whose forces were about to confront the Confederate army of Stonewall Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley.

Keogh won plaudits for his bravery in the Valley Campaign, most notably in the engagement at Port Republic on June 8, where his comrade Dan Keily was severely wounded. In the early stages of the fight Keogh led a mounted patrol that very nearly captured Stonewall Jackson himself. On July 31 Keogh and O'Keeffe were transfered to the staff of cavalry Brigadier General John Buford. That tough, veteran horse soldier found his Irish aides just the type of officers he was looking for, commending them as "dashing, gallant and daring soldiers." Army of the Potomac commander George McClellan was equally impressed, describing Keogh as "a most gentlemanlike man, of soldierly appearance," whose "record had been remarkable for the short time he had been in the army."

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Brig. Gen. John Buford and staff, August 1863. Buford is seated with his trusted aides, left to right: Myles Keogh, Peter Penn-Gaskell, Craig Wharton Wadsworth and Albert Payson Morrow.

 Captain Keogh served with Buford through the Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville campaigns, and was in the thick of the huge cavalry clash at Brandy Station, where his friend O'Keeffe was shot in the leg and captured. For his part in the epic battle of Gettysburg, where Buford's gritty stand on July 1, 1863 contributed mightily to the Union victory, Keogh received the brevet rank of Major. When Buford contracted typhoid fever that autumn, Keogh accompanied the ailing General to Washington and stayed faithfully at Buford's side till he succumbed on December 16, 1863. Distraught at the death of his beloved commander, Keogh accepted a transfer to the war's Western Theater where he was appointed to the staff of General George Stoneman, commanding the mounted forces of Sherman's army.
Captain Theodore Allen of the 7th Ohio Cavalry later recalled that Myles Keogh's dandyism made him at first far from popular with the hard-bitten western troopers. "We did not like the style of Captain Myles Keogh," Allen wrote; "there was altogether too much style. He was as handsome a young man as I ever saw. His uniform was spotless and fitted him like the skin on a sausage." But Allen revised his opinion when Keogh gallantly led the Buckeyes in a charge during the Atlanta campaign. "Raising himself in the stirrups, and with cap in one hand, he turned to the battalion and cried out, "Hip, hip hurrah boys! Here we go!"

General Stoneman saw to it that Keogh was promoted Major and acting chief of staff. In that capacity he accompanied the General on a daring raid behind enemy lines to free the Union prisoners incarcerated at Macon, Georgia. If all went well, Stoneman planned to continue on and liberate the notorious stockade at Andersonville. But on July 31, 1864 the Confederates surrounded and attacked Stoneman's troopers outside of Macon. Both Stoneman and Keogh had their horses shot from under them and were taken prisoner. Confined in Macon and later at Charleston, South Carolina, Keogh was fortunate enough to be exchanged with General Stoneman on September 30. "I thank God I was thought enough of by Genl. Sherman to be specially exchanged," Keogh wrote his sister Ellen. "I should have died in a very short time & as it is I am almost broken down."

After recovering his health, in the war's final months Keogh rendered distinguished service as chief of Stoneman's staff in a series of destructive raids through North Carolina and southwestern Virginia, frequently leading squadrons and regiments in action. The 25-year-old Major emerged from the Civil War with the brevet rank of lieutenant colonel in both the Volunteer and Regular Army. Keogh's superior officers were effusive in their praise. "He is unsurpassed in dash," General Alvan C. Gillem wrote. "His soldierly bearing and spirit were a model," noted General Jacob Cox, "he was born a soldier." General John M. Schofield called Keogh "one of the most gallant and efficient young cavalry officers I have ever known." With recommendations like these Keogh was hopeful of obtaining a commission in the postwar Regular Army.

mwkmtns.jpg - 11.96 KMajor Myles Keogh with fellow officers of General Stoneman's staff and an officer's wife and infant, an image taken on Lookout Mountain, overlooking Chattanooga, Tennessee in late 1864. Keogh stands at right.

 In the meantime the young soldier spent several months on occupation duty in Knoxville, Tenn. Keogh shared rustic quarters with Colonel Andrew J. Alexander and his young bride, Eveline Martin Alexander. Generals Emory Upton and James Wilson were frequent guests at what Evy Alexander called "a cavalrymen's menage," and Keogh counted both men among his closest friends. Indeed when General Upton wed Evy Alexander's sister, Emily Martin, he asked Keogh to serve as groomsman and accompany the couple on their honeymoon in Europe. Keogh was not able to do so, but the invitation is an indication of the regard that the brilliant military theorist, Upton, had for the Irish cavalryman. This camaraderie was some consolation for the loss of his Papal Army friend Joseph O'Keeffe, who had been mortally wounded leading the 2nd New York Cavalry at the battle of Five Forks. okeeffeb.jpg - 9.32 K

Capt. Joseph O'Keeffe (1842-1865), Keogh's comrade in Papal service and on Gen. John Buford's staff in the East. O'Keeffe was wounded and captured at Brandy Station. Exchanged, he joined Phil Sheridan's staff and accompanied him on his famous ride to Cedar Creek. O'Keeffe was mortally wounded at the battle of five forks as Major of the 2nd New York Cavalry.

 It was through his association with Upton and Alexander that in October of 1866 Myles Keogh first visited "Willowbrook," the Martin family estate on Owasco Lake, near Auburn, New York. Over the next decade Myles Keogh became almost a member of the family, and would frequently regale the young ladies of the household with his spirited reading of his favorite book, Charles Lever's swashbuckling novel of the Napoleonic Wars, Charles O'Malley the Irish Dragoon. As Evy Martin Alexander put it, Keogh "wound himself about our hearts." Some authors have implied that there was a budding romance between Keogh and Cornelia "Nelly" Martin, one of Evy's and Emily's sisters -- though there is little to support that contention. Nelly's lifelong solicitude for "My precious Keogh," as she referred to him, was in reality more sisterly, even maternal, than romantic.

Not long after the war Myles wrote his brother Tom, "My great weakness is the love I have for the fair sex, and pretty much all my trouble comes from or can be traced to that charming source." By August of 1866 this rakish tone had changed. "I have now no one else to care for," Keogh wrote; "I am very, very lonely...I have had some things to try me severely, so much so that the future is of little importance to me." The reason for Myles' depression was revealed two months later in a letter written to Tom from Washington, D.C.: "....my hopes are dead for my future earthly happiness & the dear creature I dreamt of being happy with lies yonder in Oakhill Cemetery where I have just visited her cold vault." While Keogh never divulged the identity of his "dear creature," research indicates that she was likely Abby Grace Clary, the 28-year-old widow of Captain Robert Emmett Clary, Jr., a recently deceased veteran of Buford's command. Her death on June 17, 1866 was a blow from which Keogh never entirely recovered. From then on, as he informed Tom some years later, "I never propose to form any ties. I might often have married for money but I never gave it a moment's serious thought & never propose to."

mwkfsm.jpg - 14.06 K Capt. Keogh and his friend, Lt. Col. A.J. Alexander, circa 1864. Note that Keogh is pulling Alexander's long beard and that their legs are intertwined.

Myles Keogh's initial Regular Army assignment was to the 4th U.S. Cavalry, but he never served with that unit. In November of 1866 he was ordered to Fort Riley, Kansas, to become Captain of Company I in the newly formed 7th U.S. Cavalry Regiment, in which the flamboyant "boy general" George Armstrong Custer was now serving as Lieutenant Colonel. The regiment's 12 companies were more often than not dispersed among various frontier posts, and Captain Keogh was placed in command of Fort Wallace, Kansas, an isolated garrison on the Smokey Hills Trail. He soon discovered how frustratingly different Indian warfare was from European and Civil War campaigning. After a typically unsuccessful pursuit of a Cheyenne raiding party, Keogh informed Regimental Adjutant Myles Moylan, "without knowing exactly where to surprise their camp, or having a guide who can track them at a run, it is a waste of horseflesh and time to endeavor to come up with them."

Keogh invariably rose at daylight to make his rounds, and passed much of the day in mundane military routine. What little spare time was allowed him he spent hunting, and prided himself on his ability to shatter a bottle at a distance of 150 yards. The sadness he felt upon learning of the death of his old Papal comrade Dan Keily -- who succumbed to yellow fever in Louisiana -- was tempered by a new acquaintance. "I have a nice fellow with me," he wrote, "an Irishman & Catholic. He formerly belonged to the 41st Foot, English Army, a graduate of Sandhurst & served in the Crimea." This officer, Lieutenant Henry J. Nowlan, became Keogh's closest friend in the regiment.
 

 
The story of the 7th Cavalry and its controversial field commander, George Custer, has been so shrouded in legend that it is sometimes difficult to sort fact from fiction. For instance it is highly unlikely that Keogh had anything to do with the rollicking Irish ballad "Garryowen" becoming the 7th Cavalry's theme song. Custer had heard that spirited march on many occasions, dating back to his tenure as a cadet at West Point, and knew that it lent itself to the prancing gait of the cavalry mounts. While some writers have portrayed Keogh as a Custer intimate, their relationship, though outwardly cordial, was at best ambivalent. On one occasion, Keogh's junior officer, Lieutenant Charles Brewster, advised Custer that Keogh was "not friendly" toward him. And for his part, Custer revealed his opinion of Keogh in a letter to his wife Libbie: "I do think him rather absurd," Custer wrote, "but would rather have him near us than many others."

In fact, Keogh witnessed few of Custer's exploits on the frontier. The Captain was absent on staff duty during the winter campaign of 1868 that culminated in the 7th Cavalry's attack on Black Kettle's encampment at the Washita. From 1871 to early 1873 the regiment was widely dispersed on Reconstruction Duty in the South, and Keogh rarely served at the same place as Custer. In the summer of 1873, while Custer was fighting the Sioux and Cheyennes on the Yellowstone River, Keogh's company was detached to the Canadian border as part of an Army escort to the Northern Boundary Survey. And the next summer, as Custer led his controversial expedition through the Black Hills, Keogh was enjoying a welcome seven-months leave of absence among his family in Ireland. It was the second time he had been able to return to his birthplace since joining the 7th Cavalry, and it was during this sojourn among his beloved family that Myles deeded his inheritance of the Clifden estate in Kilkenny to his sister Margaret.


Courtesy of Little Bighorn Battlefield

Keogh stands beside George Custer in a photo taken during a picnic near Fort Lincoln in the summer of 1875. Though Keogh appears shorter than Custer, he is actually leaning forward and, at just over six feet, was two inches taller than his commander. Custer's wife, Libbie, sits at center.
 
 
These visits to Ireland meant a great deal to Keogh, who since his parents' deaths felt deeply the obligation of supporting his sisters, in particular, to the best of his ability. The isolation of military duty on the Western frontier often weighed heavily upon him, and when depressed he occasionally drank to excess, though he seems not to have fallen prey to the chronic alcoholism that destroyed the careers of many fellow officers of the frontier Regular Army. There was more than a tinge of melancholy in Keogh's nature, which seemed somehow at odds with his handsome, dashing persona. While he was not given to self-analysis, Keogh once noted, "A certain lack of sensitiveness is necessary to be successful. . . . This lack of sensitiveness I unfortunately do not inherit."

Soon after rejoining his company at Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dakota Territory, in the summer of 1875, Keogh was bedridden with what a surgeon diagnosed as "remittent fever and severe nervous prostration." He was bothered by old injuries -- a broken ankle and torn ligaments in his knee that had never entirely mended -- and his fever was likely the malaria he had contracted during his wartime imprisonment. But it may not be incorrect to assume that depression, or what was termed "melancholia" in the 19th century, played a part in Keogh's illness. Over Custer's objections the Captain was granted another month's leave, this time to visit Louisville, Kentucky, where he stayed at the home of Dr. John Arvid Ouchterlony -- a brilliant Swedish-born physician whom Keogh had befriended during Reconstruction duty. On October 14, 1875, Keogh returned to Fort Lincoln, and from that day until his death was present for duty with Custer and the 7th Cavalry. 
 

Myles Keogh with three of the Martin girls in Auburn, New York, early 1870s. Emily and Nellie are standing, Lylie is seated.

Myles Keogh seems to have sensed that the 1876 campaign would be his last, and death was very much on his mind in the days preceding the 7th Cavalry's departure from Fort Lincoln. He gave copies of his will to several comrades, including Lieutenant Nowlan, and took out a $10,000 life insurance policy. Keogh also left a satchel of personal papers with Mrs. Eliza Porter, the wife of Company I's Lieutenant James Porter, and instructed her to burn them should he be killed. Finally Keogh wrote what would be his last letter to Nelly Martin, concluding:

"We leave Monday on an Indian expedition & if I ever return I will go on and see you all. I have requested to be packed up and shipped to Auburn in case I am killed, and I desire to be buried there. God bless you all, remember if I should die -- you may believe that I loved you and every member of your family -- it was a second home to me."
 

Perhaps the strongest testimony to Keogh's bravery and leadership ability came at Little Bighorn on June 25, 1876. The senior captain among the five companies wiped out with Custer that day, and commanding one of two squadrons within the Custer detachment, Keogh died in a "last stand" of his own, surrounded by the men of Company I. When the sun-blackened and dismembered dead were buried three days later, Keogh's body was found at the center of a group of troopers that included his two sergeants, company trumpeter and guidon bearer. The slain officer was stripped but not mutilated, perhaps because of the "medicine" the Indians saw in the Agnus Dei ("Lamb of God") he wore on a chain about his neck. Keogh's left knee had been shattered by a bullet that corresponded to a wound through the chest and flank of his horse, "Comanche," indicating that horse and rider may have fallen together prior to the last rally. The badly injured animal was found on the fatal battlefield, and nursed back to health as a regimental mascot. 
 
Le capitaine Keogh à Little Big Horn
 

No one felt Keogh's death more keenly than his surrogate family, the Martins of "Willowbrook." When the remains of Custer and his officers were exhumed in the summer of 1877, they saw to it that Keogh's remains were reinterred in the family plot at Auburn, where he had wished to be. "I trust we shall be able to carry out his desire," Evy Martin Alexander wrote, "& lay him to rest by the side of my dear little children, one of whom knew & loved 'Uncle Keogh' & was dearly loved by him."

This sentimental soldier of fortune was buried during a cold drizzle on the afternoon of October 25, 1877, followed to the grave by many who cared for him. Their thoughts were typified by Andrew Alexander, who said of his old comrade: "A hero in battle, he was as tender as a woman to those he loved. . . . Those who had the honor of his friendship will mourn his loss as long as they live." Keogh's elegant memorial stone bears the record of his military service and a fitting epitaph from the pen of poet Bayard Taylor:

 

Sleep soldier!
Still in honored rest
Your truth and valor wearing
The bravest are the tenderest
The loving are the daring.

Write a message on the grave of the Irish Knight

Capitaine Myles Keogh, compagnie I

  • Berkeley, G.F.H. "The Irish Battalion in the Papal Army of 1860." Talbot Press Ltd., Dublin and Cork, 1929.
  • Hammer, Kenneth. "Men With Custer: Biographies of the 7th Cavalry." Hardin, MT, Custer Battlefield Historical & Museum Association, 1995.
  • Hayes-McCoy, G.A. "Captain Myles Walter Keogh, United States Army, 1840-1876." National University of Ireland, Galway, 1965.
  • Langellier, J.P., Cox, K.H. and Pohanka, B.C., eds. "Myles Keogh: The Life and Legend of an Irish Dragoon in the Seventh Cavalry." Upton & Sons Publishers, El Segundo, CA, 1991; 2d edition, 1998.
  • Lawrence, Elizabeth Atwood. "His Very Silence Speaks: Comanche -- The Horse Who Survived Custer's Last Stand." Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1989.
  • Myres, Sandra L,, ed. "Cavalry Wife: The Diary of Eveline M. Alexander. 1866-1867." Texas A & M University Press, College Station and London, 1977.
  • Snedeker, Lenora. "Memories at Willowbrook." Oxford, NY, 1995.
  • Taunton, Francis B. "The Man Who Rode Comanche." The English Westerners Society, London, 1965.
  • Utley, Robert M., ed. "Life in Custer's Cavalry." Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1977.

Samedi 28 juillet 2007

Thomas Ward Custer, George's younger brother and US hero
ohioEb.gif THE FIGHTING LION
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 source : Tom Custer's homepage
 

Before the War

In 1865, George Armstrong Custer said of his younger brother: "Do you want to know what I think of him? Tom should have been the General and I the Lieutenant."(1) Although the elder Custer's heroic exploits in the Civil War are well known, it was Tom who was the first person ever to be awarded two Medals of Honor for his bravery during the War. Such a unique distinction should have resulted in ample book and article coverage in the ensuing years, but until 2002 there had been nothing except for a few articles, none of which concentrated specifically on recounting the story of his early career in the War. Tom has tended to be seen merely as a henchman to his iconic brother, a role to which he would probably not have objected strongly, for he adored and idolised him. In 2002, Carl F. Day's biography, Tom Custer: Ride to Glory (Arthur H. Clark Company), remedied the situation somewhat, but Tom's Civil War years still demand further detailed investigation.

Thomas Ward Custer was born on March 15, 1845, in New Rumley, Ohio, a small village near the West Virginia border. He was the fifth son of the second marriages of Emanuel Custer and Maria Ward Kirkpatrick. Their first two offspring having died in infancy, Tom arrived in a family which then consisted of older brothers George Armstrong (born in 1839) and Nevin Johnson (born 1842), plus several half brothers and sisters. Maria and Emanuel had two more children, Boston (1848) and Margaret Emma (1852).(2) Margaret (Maggie) later married James Calhoun and was fated to lose three brothers and a husband on one tragic day in 1876.

In 1860 the Custers moved north-west to Tontogany, near Bowling Green, Ohio. They were an extraordinarily close family and remained so throughout their lives. Even as adults, the boys liked nothing better than to indulge in a light-hearted scuffle, and their practical jokes (in which father Emanuel also participated) were legendary. The handsome and flamboyant George Armstrong (Autie) was hero-worshipped by all his siblings so it was predictable that, when the Civil War broke out and he graduated with the West Point Class of '61 to begin active service in the Federal Army, his brothers should have wanted to follow his lead. Nevin was the first to enlist, but an inopportune bout of rheumatism resulted in an early discharge, just a couple of weeks later. Both Tom and Boston were too young, Tom being only sixteen: two years under the minimum age for enlistment. It was typical of the Custer family that this did not stop him for long. His first attempt to join up failed when his father had a word with the recruiting officer concerning his age, but Emanuel then seemingly bowed to the inevitable, and to his son's determination. When Tom tried again, lying about his age as before, he was accepted.(3)

In the Western Theater

So it was that on September 2, 1861, at nearby Gilead, Tom Custer joined the 21st Regiment of Ohio Volunteer Infantry; and seventeen days later he was mustered in at Findlay, Ohio, as a private in Company H.(4) The 21st Ohio, a former three-month unit which reorganised that September as a three-year regiment, fought in the Western Theater as part of the Army of the Ohio, and later in the Fourteenth Corps of the Army of the Cumberland. Tom shared a tent with several other Tontogany boys, including Liberty P. Warner, whose letters home reflect camp life for the regiment at this time. "In our mess," he wrote on October 29, 1861, from near Hazel Green, Kentucky, "we include J. Barstead, R. Buffum, C. Grundy, T. Custer, J. Bullis, Barbers 4 and self, all well and healthy... This is a hard place. I have become fully disgruntled with the profanity & vulgarity of the soldiery and do not fall in with it all, not half as much as I did at home." From Bacon Creek, Kentucky, on January 3 and 10, 1862, Warner still had no action to report, but daily life was not too uncomfortable: "Together we are a band of brothers, our 12"... "We have got a nice little stove that can aford to keep us warm. And we have plenty to eat. We draw rations of hard crackers, pickle pork, sugar, coffee, rice, salt, and occasionaly potatoes, beans, vinegar, etc. When we were on the mountains we drew rations of milk when ever we come acrost any cows." In this letter, Warner sketched the lay-out of his tent, with his bed and those of his eleven mess-mates (Tom's nearest the entrance), marked and numbered, all in a ring around the central stove.(5) 

From October 1861 until the end of 1862, the 21st Ohio participated in frequent but minor and relatively bloodless engagements in Alabama, Kentucky and Tennessee. In March, for instance, they were rebuilding bridges burnt by the Confederates near Murfreesboro (Tennessee); April found them in Huntsville (Alabama), acting as guard to the Provost Marshal of the city; and in July, the detached Company H was clearing the railroad track near the Elk River (Tennessee). Liberty Warner probably expressed the feelings of most of the men when he wrote in May: "We are beginning to get tired of this thing. It has hung on until we are now in fighting order and now we want to fight... If there is any fighting, we are ready." But the final months of the year offered scant action for the 21st, who were stationed in the besieged city of Nashville, "shut out from the world" and with little to challenge them: "I have been in 3 skirmishes and have never fired a gun," Warner complained. Everything was to change in December.(6)

Meanwhile, Autie Custer was making a name for himself in the Eastern Theater. He was in the thick of things in 1862 during Major General George B. McClellan's Peninsula Campaign and, although McClellan's advance on Richmond failed, Autie was already acquiring a reputation for courage and opportunism. Nevertheless, he still had time for some moments of reflection. During the siege of Yorktown in April, he was in a reconnaissance which came under fire from enemy sharpshooters, and afterwards he wrote to his half sister: "The day before yesterday we buried our dead slain in the skirmish, in the clothes they wore when killed, each wrapped in his blanket.... Some were quite young and boyish, and, looking at their faces, I could not but think of my own younger brother." Back at home Tom's parents were worried too. Emanuel wrote to Autie on April 18, saying that his wife "troubles hir self so much about you and Thomas and she doant like to here of you being so venturesom."(7) 

The 21st Ohio moved out of Nashville in December, and by the middle of the month they were camped near Murfreesboro, where, according to Liberty Warner, they were unable to resist the temptation of the flocks of robins that roosted nearby every night: "As soon as it comes dark the boys slip the guard and with torch and shelalah they charge on the devoted red breast, who stare at the torch untill they are nocked of[f] of the cane. Our mess had a pot pie of some 3 or 4 dozen of this species of songster." It was a pleasant interlude, but soon Tom and the rest of the regiment were involved in "fierce and continuous" skirmishing in the days leading up to their first major fight.(8) 

At the Battle of Stone's River (Murfreesboro) on December 31, Colonel John F. Miller's brigade, containing the 21st Ohio, was in the centre of the Federal line. As "the battle raged with uninterrupted fury" around them, the officers and men of the regiment "universally fought with desperation and bravery", according to their Colonel, James M. Neibling. At one point they repulsed a bayonet charge. But when the hard-pressed units on the Army's right flank gave way, the brigade was forced back too. The next two freezing nights were spent on the field, both sides reforming and altering position, before action resumed on January 2. Once again the Northerners soon fell back in disarray, but then the enemy attack began to lose momentum. Seizing the opportunity, and without waiting for authorisation from his superiors, Miller ordered his brigade to charge across the river to support the beleaguered units. The 21st Ohio, Neibling reported, "although...much impeded by the disorganized flight of infantry, artillery, and riderless horses...reached the opposite bank of Stone's River and engaged the enemy. The struggle which ensued was desperate and bloody... The enemy was completely routed, and night closed pursuit, leaving us in possession of [the] battlefield." It was a terrible victory. Neibling's losses were 24 killed, 109 wounded and 26 missing. Among the wounded was Liberty Warner, who was captured and later paroled. His enthusiasm for a fight had quickly disappeared. A month after the battle, he wrote: "Oh, the scenes of blood that I have seen. I wish that they could cease, not that I fear it, but it so hardens a person, a dead man seems no more than a dead sheep or a log of wood."(9)

This was to be the only full-scale fight which Tom Custer saw with his regiment, for in April 1863 he managed to get himself assigned to escort duty on the staff of Major General James S. Negley, the 21st Ohio's division commander. Many years later, General Negley told Libbie Custer (Autie's widow) that he remembered Tom as "a splendid soldier" and "bore testimony in unstinted words to the courage and fidelity of the lad". No doubt the high-spirited but hard-working Tom had exactly the right character to appeal to Negley who was "a huge, handsome man who radiated good will without losing firmness."(10) For his part, Tom, the farmer's son, must have been delighted to be back in the saddle instead of slogging with the foot soldiers. He was in Negley's escort at the Battle of Chickamauga, but this was not, it would be fair to say, Negley's finest hour. On September 20, the General chose to retreat to Rossville at a time when he was needed to support the Federal left flank. Whether his judgment was impaired due to the physical illness which nearly kept him from the battlefield that day, or whether he was only doing the best he could in view of the fact that he had lost contact with most of his troops, the result was that he was immediately removed from duty until a Court of Enquiry could consider his case the following January. The Court exonerated him of all blame but his days of active service were over.(11)

Tom was probably lucky not to have been fighting with the 21st Ohio at Chickamauga. They did not retreat with Negley but stayed until the last, and were one of the final Federal units to withdraw. Armed with Colt revolving rifles, they used up over 43,000 rounds of ammunition, but were eventually almost surrounded by the enemy and had to cut their way out with a bayonet charge. Their casualties numbered nearly half the regiment: 28 killed, 84 wounded and 131 captured or missing. Tom's friend from Tontogany, Liberty Warner, would never write home again about drawing illicit milk rations or making robin pie. He had recovered from his Stone's River wound only to be killed at Chickamauga during the final stand on Snodgrass Hill.(12) 

The First Minnesota

General Negley may have gone, but evidently Tom Custer was unwilling to give up the life of an orderly, and his services were needed elsewhere, for he proceeded to serve in the escorts of a succession of generals over the ensuing months. At Missionary Ridge and Chattanooga, from November 20, he was on the staff of Major General U.S. Grant himself. Then, at the beginning of 1864, the 21st Ohio re-enlisted for a further three years as veteran volunteers. After a furlough, during which he attended the wedding of brother Autie to Elizabeth (Libbie) Bacon on February 9 in Monroe, Michigan, Tom spent only a short period back with his regiment before joining the staff of the Fourteenth Corps' John M. Palmer for the Atlanta Campaign. He was with General Palmer in time for the Battle of Kennesaw Mountain on June 27. Following Palmer's resignation in early August over a ranking disagreement, Tom apparently stayed on at Fourteenth Corps Headquarters, under General Jefferson C. Davis, for the Battle of Jonesboro on September 1. He may then have briefly joined the escort of Major General George H. Thomas, commander of the Army of the Cumberland, but there is no clear evidence for this, and he certainly did not accompany Thomas to Nashville later that month after the taking of Atlanta. Instead, Tom was with the Fourteenth Corps as it and the rest of William Tecumseh Sherman's forces pursued John Bell Hood's Confederate army into Alabama. By late October, Sherman was at Gaylesville, and it was here that Tom, who had risen to the rank of corporal on his January re-enlistment, received news of a much more significant promotion.(13)

Tom joins his brother

Considering the closeness of the "Custer clan" and the widespread nepotism in the armies of both the North and the South, it is surprising that George Armstrong Custer, a brigadier general since June 1863 and newly in charge of a division, should have taken until now to secure a position for his brother on his staff. Perhaps a suitable occasion had not presented itself, or perhaps Autie thought Tom was safer where he was. For whatever reason, it was not until the summer of 1864 that Autie began to make a serious attempt to obtain for Tom an officer's rank in his brigade. At first he was unsuccessful: Colonel Russell A. Alger of the 5th Michigan Cavalry twice declined Autie's request that a suitable vacancy for a second lieutenant in the regiment might be found for Tom. Alger preferred to promote from amongst his own sergeants, and no doubt also realised that Tom would immediately join Autie's staff so would not be much value to the regiment. Colonel James A. Kidd, however, was more amenable and his offer of a commission for Tom in the 6th Michigan was received by Autie at the beginning of October. Autie wrote to Kidd on October 3 of his "sincere and heartfelt gratitude for this great favor", and the following day a letter was sent to George Thomas asking for Tom's transfer.(14)

So Corporal Tom Custer was mustered out of the 21st Ohio on October 23, and travelled to the Shenandoah Valley where he took up his appointment as a second lieutenant in Company B of the 6th Michigan Cavalry on November 8. He promptly joined his brother as an assistant aide-de-camp.(15) Autie's regiments had been constantly active that summer and autumn fighting as part of Major General Philip H. Sheridan's Army of the Shenandoah, whose purpose was to drive Lieutenant General Jubal A. Early's Confederate forces out of the Valley. Sheridan's last great success of the season was at Cedar Creek on October 19. Early was driven back and would make one final stand the following March at Waynesboro, so when Tom arrived there was little for the cavalry to do until the spring, except to make a few forays in search of partisans and enemy raiders, and to participate in one or two raids of their own. There was a small battle at Lacey Springs on December 21, when Custer's division was surprised by a pre-dawn enemy attack under the command of his old West Point friend Thomas Rosser, but it was quickly repelled with the loss of only 2 dead and 22 wounded. Autie reported to Sheridan that his worst problem was the weather: during the expedition, 230 of his men were frostbitten.(16)

The quiet winter months gave Autie the chance to size his brother up, and he wrote to his father-in-law that "Tom, with a little more experience will make a valuable and efficient aide." Libbie Custer had travelled from Washington to join her husband a few days before Tom's arrival, and Long Meadow, the house near Winchester commandeered for the Custers and division staff, was filled with a succession of visiting friends and relatives, plus the inevitable Custer dogs and other animals.(17) Libbie wrote to her cousin on November 15: "Aut's brother Tom...is with us. Such an open-hearted boy, he adds much to our family circle - for as such I consider the staff."(18) Tom was still only nineteen and photographs taken at this time show a very boyish, clean-shaven lad, slim like his brother. He had the same blue eyes and light complexion, but his sandy hair was a little darker than Autie's famous golden locks. Earlier that year, when Tom had re-enlisted as a veteran with the 21st Ohio, his height on the muster roll was given as 5'9", two inches taller than when he first left home in 1861.(19)

Although in a later eulogy Libbie claimed that "[Tom] seemed to have come through unscathed by the coarseness of his surroundings as an enlisted man", he had undoubtedly picked up some unsuitable habits amongst the rough and ready men who fought in the Western Theater.(20) He had started drinking, sometimes to excess, which was a weakness that would stay with him for the rest of his life. Additionally, his conversation was not as refined as Libbie might have preferred, and his taste for tobacco, acquired before the War, had been taken to extremes. Autie admitted that he was "anxious concerning his conduct" for a while, but Libbie soon got to work.(21) "The amount of mothering and petty tyranny I exercised was not in proportion to my years," she said, "but [Tom] submitted to it all as only brave and big-souled men can do when assured of sincere, disinterested affection."(22) Tom adored Libbie, and, although she was never quite so successful in influencing him as she was with her husband, it does seem that Tom, the uncultured farm boy, made a concerted effort that winter to educate and refine himself: "He not only aimed to be a perfect soldier, but he was determined to take up his studies, interrupted by his early enlistment... he bought himself school-books, and poured over them with patience in the evenings."(23) The following year, Libbie felt able to report to her parents that "Tom is a fine boy. He has improved so much."(24) Autie agreed: "He has quit the use of tobacco, is moderate in drink, is respected and admired by officers and all who come in contact with him."(25)

As for work, there was never any question of Tom's receiving preferential treatment from Autie. If anything the opposite was the case. As another member of the staff told Libbie: "If any one thinks it is a soft thing to be the commanding general's brother, he misses his guess." Libbie wrote that on the occasions when "the General and his staff...were awakened by the news that required one of them to saddle and start off for night duty, Tom was the one selected. I never heard that he even looked a murmur."(26) She was being a little economical with the truth here, for Tom had been known to complain to her about "that old galoot" who grumbled at him for "every little darned thing just because I happen to be his brother." Autie drew a sharp dividing line between business and pleasure. Libbie was constantly surprised at the way he would "turn to Tom from a game of cards we were playing, or from a general family frolic in which we were all participating, and give some necessary order in the changed tone and severely grave manner that necessarily belongs to military directions." Family frolics could get a little rough: in December, Maggie Custer grumped to Libbie that Tom pinched her so hard "He left a big blue mark on me last time."(27)

The 1865 fighting season began in earnest on March 2 when an attack by Custer's division on Jubal Early's remaining forces at Waynesboro resulted in the latter's complete collapse, and the capture of over 1200 men. Phil Sheridan then moved his troops away from the Shenandoah Valley to join with General Grant and the Army of the Potomac in a final push against Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia in and around Petersburg. At Dinwiddie Court House, on March 31, Sheridan's cavalry faced the Confederate right flank under the command of Major General George E. Pickett. Autie Custer's men were in support but before the day was out they were required to advance and hold a defensive line as the other divisions were forced back. As night fell, the Federals had not succeeded in their aim of reaching the Southside railroad, but, thanks to Custer, nor had they been driven from the field. The next day, at Five Forks, they were able to follow up with a frontal attack by cavalry supported by a fortuitous flanking manoeuvre from the infantry of the Fifth Corps. The consequent Confederate rout precipitated the flight of Lee's Army from Petersburg and Richmond, with Sheridan in hot pursuit as Lee attempted to link up with Joe Johnston's Army of Tennessee in North Carolina.

At Waynesboro, Dinwiddie Court House and Five Forks, Tom Custer's performance was everything his brother could have hoped for, and he was brevetted successively to first lieutenant, captain and, eventually, major, for "distinguished and gallant conduct."(28)

Two Medals of Honor 

Fight For The Colors

Tom was to exceed Autie's expectations on two occasions during the next few days. At Namozine Church, on April 3, three regiments of enemy cavalry made a rearguard stand which elements of Custer's division had to dislodge. The Northerners charged in front and flank and the Confederates broke. In the middle of their line the color-bearer of the 2nd North Carolina lost his flag to a young man in the thick of the melee. It was Tom, discovering that a staff position could be far more exciting than it sounded, especially when one's commander was George Armstrong Custer! Autie wrote to Libbie the next day: "Tom in the most gallant manner led the charge of the Second Brigade... [He] is always in the advance." For the second time that month Tom had his horse shot from under him (the first was at Five Forks). As well as the color-bearer and flag, he took a dozen prisoners, including two or three officers, and was to be awarded a Medal of Honor for his actions.(29)

Just three days later at Sailor's Creek, on April 6, Tom thought he saw an opportunity to add to his new collection of enemy colors. This was a much larger fight than Namozine Church, involving both cavalry and infantry, but once again the battle around Custer's regiments culminated in their charging to dislodge the enemy line. All previous efforts having failed, the mounted charge was ordered and Tom was in the forefront as before. This time, though, the opposition was stronger and there was a second line of breastworks behind the first. Tom was in trouble but still determined to get his flag. One of Autie's brigade commanders, General Henry Capehart, saw what happened next and, twenty years on, described it to Libbie Custer:

"It was from the second line that he wrested the colors, single-handed, and only a few paces to my right. As he approached the colors he received a shot in the face which knocked him back on his horse, but in a moment he was again upright in his saddle. Reaching out his right arm, he grasped the flag while the color-bearer reeled. The bullet from Tom's revolver must have pierced him in the region of the heart. As he was falling, Captain Custer wretched the standard away from his grasp and bore it away in triumph. For intrepidity I never saw this incident surpassed."(30)

Lieutenant Colonel Edward W. Whitaker, Autie's chief of staff, told Libbie that "Tom, on that day, fought like a lion."(31) Autie was inclined to agree. When he wrote to his father-in-law soon afterwards, he said:

"Tom led the assault upon the enemy's breastworks, mounted, was first to leap his horse over the works on top of the enemy while they were pouring a volley of musketry into our ranks. Tom seized the rebel colors and demanded their surrender. The color-bearer shot him through face and neck... So close the muzzle Tom's face was spotted with burnt powder. He retained the colors with one hand, while with the other he drew his revolver and shot the rebel dead... I am as proud of him as can be, as soldier, brother."(32)

Tom came racing back into the Federal lines, blood pouring from his face but waving what some sources have identified as the standard of the 2nd Virginia Reserve Battalion. Major John V. Allstrom of the 3rd New Jersey Cavalry saw him and shouted, "For God's sake, Tom, furl that flag or they'll fire on you." As he galloped up to Autie, Tom yelled, "Armstrong, the damned rebels have shot me, but I've got my flag"; then he turned and started back into the fight. His brother told him to go to the rear to have his wound attended to, but Tom's blood was up and Autie could see that he was all set to disobey, so he resorted to the extreme measure of threatening to arrest him. There was no way Tom could defy this, so back to the surgeon he had to go.(33)

The next day, in a letter to Libbie, Autie admitted that he was extremely worried. The wound, he said, "is very near the main artery", and "much like the mortal wound" a favourite color sergeant had received at Trevilian Station in June '64.(34) According to Libbie's description, the bullet "had entered [Tom's] cheek and passed out behind his ear", but fortunately the injury was not as serious as it looked.(35) It appears that the musket ball had grazed along just under the surface of Tom's right cheek before coming out at the neck. Tom was not admitted to the field hospital at Burkesville until Lee's Army surrendered three days later. He then travelled to the Cavalry Corps Hospital at City Point, arriving on April 11, and is recorded as having "left hospital without showing authority." A few days later, he was in Washington. Clearly his injury was not a severe one, yet there was always a risk of infection and even good clean facial wounds often result in scarring. Libbie recalled that, in 1866, Tom still bore "the scarlet spot on his cheek where the bullet had penetrated"; and it has been pointed out that one of the few post-War photographs showing the right side of his face reveals what may be a scar.(36) This would tie in with the narratives of the Arikara scouts on the Little Big Horn expedition eleven years later. To them, the younger Custer was "Tom, the one with the scar on his face."(37)

For his second capture of an enemy flag Tom was awarded another Medal of Honor, which made him the first to receive this dual distinction since the Medal was inaugurated in 1862. In its entire history there have only been around twenty double winners. During the Civil War, Medals of Honor were often given for the capture of Confederate colors, and on occasion the flag in question was not so much captured as found lying on the ground after the fight. However, no one could deny that young Custer deserved his, and that, as Libbie told her parents, "Tom is a hero."(38) It was a proud twenty-year-old who presented his spoils to the War Department in Washington and received his first Medal in a ceremony on April 24.(39) Then he went home to recuperate and, as Libbie put it, "the black patch, planted in the midst of a very new and downy beard, was an ornament in our eyes for all the time it covered his wound." He gave his red necktie, stiff with blood, to his parents as a memento.(40) On May 22, he was back in Washington for his second Medal, and the next day he rode through the capital in the Grand Review of the Union armies.(41)


After the War

Following the end of the War, Tom served as Autie's aide in Texas until January 1866, when he travelled to Michigan and mustered out in Detroit on the 31st. Soon afterwards he received a commission as a second lieutenant in the regular army, and later the same year he joined the new 7th Cavalry as a first lieutenant.(42) Because this was one step higher than his position in the volunteer army, his brevet rank was also eventually upgraded to lieutenant colonel. For the rest of his life he would wear his two Medals of Honor with pride at every opportunity, though he showed a healthy tendency not to take them too seriously. Sometimes he would even allow a girlfriend to be photographed with them pinned to her dress.(43) 

tomcusteramie.jpg

Throughout the next ten years Tom served, usually under his brother, in the 7th Cavalry. He was a good officer, but when Libbie was not around he was prone to lapse into heavy drinking and other bad habits. In February 1869, for instance, Autie wrote Libbie that "[Tom] is cuter than ever, but he is becoming more profane, and a little vulgar. I have not spoken to him about it, but am leaving that pleasant duty for you."(44)

In 1865, Autie had written that Tom's "excellent judgment tells him when to press the enemy, and when to be moderate. Of all my...officers he is quickest in perceiving at a glance the exact state of things. This trait frequently excites comment." Someone once observed to E.A. Paul, the New York Times correspondent and friend of the Custers, that, since Tom was in Washington that April, he might have been in Ford's Theatre on the 14th, the night of Lincoln's assassination. Paul replied with typical newspaperman's hyperbole: "Impossible. Tom would have taken in the situation at a glance and the assassin would never have escaped."(45) There are some situations, however, where excellent judgment and fast reactions are not enough, as was the case on June 25, 1876, when five companies of the 7th Cavalry were wiped out to a man by the Sioux and Cheyenne, at the Battle of the Little Big Horn. Tom was Captain of Company C by this time, but may have been on detached staff duty. At any rate, his body was found a few yards from Autie's, while nearby were the remains of another brother, young Boston (a civilian guide on the expedition). Brother-in-law First Lieutenant James Calhoun, commander of Company L, was lying elsewhere on the field.

Tom Custer could only be recognised by means of a tattoo. He had been mutilated beyond all semblance of humanity; indeed his body seems to have been singled out for particular brutalisation. There are a number of theories attempting to account for this, one of the least far-fetched being that it was treatment reserved for those who "fought the longest and hardest", and that Tom, probably after witnessing the death of his brothers, battled on "as a demon possessed." Ironically, First Lieutenant Edward S. Godfrey, who identified Tom's mangled remains, had, like him, been a soldier in the 21st Ohio, back in 1861.(46)

thecusterbrothers.jpg  
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